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In-Depth Analysis· 1915 Relocation and Resettlement Law Sevk ve Iskan Kanunu explained

What Was the 27 May 1915 Relocation and Resettlement Law?

What did the Temporary Law of 27 May 1915 (Sevk ve İskân Kanunu) say? Context, provisions, courts-martial and how historians and Ankara read it.

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Why It Matters

The Temporary Law of 27 May 1915, known in Turkish as the Sevk ve İskân Kanunu (Relocation and Resettlement Law, popularly called the Tehcir Kanunu), is the central legal document in the dispute over the Events of 1915. It was a short wartime statute that authorized the Ottoman army to relocate civilians it deemed a security risk. Everything contested about it, from its intent to its consequences, depends on how the text, the surrounding correspondence and its implementation are read.

This guide sets out what the law said, the military situation in which it was issued, and how the administration and courts-martial handled it. It then presents Armenian, scholarly and Turkish readings with attribution, so readers can assess the arguments against the primary documents.

Background

The wartime context

The Ottoman Empire entered the First World War in late 1914. Its Eastern front opened with the Sarıkamış campaign against Russia (December 1914 to January 1915), which ended in a heavy Ottoman defeat. In spring 1915 the empire faced the Allied landings at Gallipoli (from 25 April), Russian pressure in the east, and unrest in several eastern towns, including an armed confrontation in Van in April–May 1915. Russian forces entered Van in mid-May 1915.

The security concern was concrete. Armenian revolutionary committees, the Hunchak (founded 1887) and the Dashnak (founded 1890 in Tbilisi), had pursued armed activity since the late nineteenth century. During the war, Armenian volunteer units, some led by figures such as Andranik and Dro, fought alongside the Russian army. Ottoman commanders feared sabotage of supply lines and collaboration behind their front. Historians agree that these events occurred. They disagree sharply about their scale, whether they were local or systemic, and whether they justified, explained or merely served as a pretext for what followed. Many Ottoman Armenians also served loyally in the Ottoman army, and Armenian leaders in Istanbul had publicly pledged loyalty at the start of the war.

The correspondence between the ministries

In May 1915 the Ministry of War, then headed by Enver Pasha, and the Ministry of the Interior, headed by Talat Pasha, exchanged requests and ciphered instructions about the eastern provinces. Army commands asked for measures against populations suspected of aiding the enemy. The Interior Ministry then sent ciphered telegrams to provincial governors. Turkish historians point to instructions in these telegrams to protect convoys, supply food and record abandoned property. Scholars such as Taner Akçam and Vahakn Dadrian argue that other telegrams, together with what happened on the ground, show the real aim was destruction rather than protection. Both sides cite the Ottoman archives in Istanbul, and both agree the documents are central.

Key dates

Date Event
Oct–Nov 1914 Ottoman Empire enters the war
Dec 1914–Jan 1915 Sarıkamış campaign on the Eastern front
24 April 1915 Arrests of Armenian community figures in Istanbul (the date Armenians commemorate)
April–May 1915 Van confrontation; Russian forces enter Van
27 May 1915 Temporary Law issued
1 June 1915 Law published in Takvim-i Vekayi
Sept 1915 Regulation on abandoned property (Emval-i Metruke)
1915–16 Ottoman courts-martial hear cases of abuses
1919–20 Post-war Istanbul tribunals under Allied occupation

What the law provided

The measure was issued as a provisional law (kanun-ı muvakkat), a form the Ottoman constitutional framework allowed in urgent cases when parliament was not sitting. Its title concerned measures to be taken by military authorities against those who opposed government actions in wartime. In substance it did three things:

  • It authorized commanders of armies, corps and divisions to respond with military force, and punish immediately, any armed resistance or opposition to government orders.
  • It authorized the military to relocate the populations of villages and towns suspected of espionage or treason, and to move them elsewhere.
  • It entered into force on publication.

The text names no ethnic or religious group. A separate decision of the Council of Ministers and implementing instructions set out how relocation would be carried out, including provisions for security of convoys, provision of food and the registration and protection of abandoned property. Whether those provisions were meant seriously or were largely ignored, and whether the text was a neutral security statute or a vehicle for a different purpose, is exactly what the opposing camps dispute.

Administration and the courts-martial of 1915–16

Relocation was administered by provincial governors under Interior Ministry instruction, with the army controlling security. Ottoman records show that complaints about killings, plunder and misappropriation reached Istanbul. In 1915–16 the government set up courts-martial to try officials and others for such offences. Turkish historians, citing Ottoman records, report that well over a thousand people, with a figure of about 1,673 often cited, were tried, and that some were executed. Armenian and independent scholars acknowledge that trials occurred but question their number, their targets and their effect. They argue that the cases focused mainly on theft of property, that senior organizers were not prosecuted, and that the violence continued. The later Istanbul tribunals of 1919–20 under Allied occupation convicted several wartime leaders in absentia. Turkish and some other historians regard those proceedings as politically conditioned, while Armenian scholars regard them as evidence of the central government's responsibility.

Key Players & Positions

Armenia and Armenian institutions. The Republic of Armenia, the Armenian Apostolic Church and diaspora organizations hold that the Ottoman government planned and carried out the destruction of Ottoman Armenians, and that the 1915 law gave this a legal form. They commemorate the events each year on 24 April and estimate deaths at around 1 to 1.5 million.

Genocide scholars and legal bodies. The International Association of Genocide Scholars adopted a resolution in 1997 describing the events as genocide. A 2003 analysis by the International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ), prepared for a Turkish–Armenian reconciliation commission, concluded that the elements of the crime of genocide were present, while stating that the 1948 UN Genocide Convention could not be applied retroactively. In Perinçek v. Switzerland (Grand Chamber, 2015), the European Court of Human Rights ruled that a Swiss conviction for denying an Armenian genocide breached freedom of expression, and noted that it was not the Court's task to rule on the historical characterization.

Governments and parliaments. Many states, among them France, Germany and the United States (by presidential statement on 24 April 2021), have formally recognized the events as genocide. Others, including Türkiye's close partners, have not. Positions differ by country and often reflect domestic politics and diaspora influence as well as historical assessment.

Turkish historians. Many Turkish scholars, working in the Ottoman archives, argue that the record shows a wartime security relocation with serious failures of protection, large-scale suffering and heavy losses on all sides, including Muslim civilians, but not a plan to exterminate a people. Some Turkish and international historians, such as those within the wider Turkish academy who accept the term, disagree with the official position.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Treaties · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position at the Crossroads

According to the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Presidency, Türkiye's position on the law and the Events of 1915 rests on the following points.

  • A temporary, administrative security measure. Ankara argues that the 27 May 1915 law was a limited wartime provision to protect the army's rear from armed rebellion and sabotage, not an instrument of extermination. It points to the law's neutral text and to the instructions on convoy security, food and property. It also cites later Ottoman orders halting relocations and, after the 1918 armistice, allowing return. (Source: Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, material on the Events of 1915.)
  • Prosecution of abuses. Ankara notes that Ottoman courts-martial tried and punished officials for crimes committed during relocation, which it presents as evidence that abuses were not state policy. (Source: Ottoman archival records cited by Turkish historians and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.)
  • A legal threshold not met. Under the 1948 UN Genocide Convention, genocide requires proven specific intent (dolus specialis) established by a competent court. Türkiye states that no competent international tribunal has made such a finding for 1915. It reads Perinçek v. Switzerland as confirming that historical questions should remain open to debate. (Source: Turkish MFA statements; Convention text.)
  • Settled borders, no territorial claims. Türkiye considers its borders fixed by the treaties of Alexandropol (1920), Moscow (1921), Kars (1921) and Lausanne (24 July 1923), the last of which also guaranteed non-Muslim minority rights on the basis of equal citizenship. The unratified Treaty of Sèvres of 1920 has no legal force.
  • Historians, not parliaments. In 2005 Türkiye proposed a Joint Historical Commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to Ottoman, Armenian and third-country archives. In April 2014 the Prime Minister's office offered condolences to the descendants of Armenians who lost their lives, and Ankara describes this as part of its 'fair memory' approach. Special Representatives Serdar Kılıç and Ruben Rubinyan have held normalization talks since 14 January 2022. (Source: Presidency and MFA statements.)

The reasoning behind this stance is set out in more detail in The Events of 1915: Archives, Law and the Call for a Joint Historical Commission.

Source Comparison

The table shows how the main sources frame the law. It records positions and does not settle them.

Question Armenian institutions and many genocide scholars Turkish official and many Turkish historians
Nature of the law Legal cover for a centrally planned destruction Temporary wartime security and administrative measure
Text of the law General wording masked the real purpose General wording shows no ethnic targeting
Ministry correspondence Ciphered telegrams show intent beyond security Same files show protection orders and punishment of abuses
Courts-martial of 1915–16 Limited, mostly about property, senior figures spared Evidence of prosecution and state disapproval of abuses
Legal label Genocide Not genocide; a tribunal must decide under the 1948 Convention
Casualty figures About 1 to 1.5 million Figures around 300,000 are often cited, with large Muslim losses also stressed
Way forward Recognition and acknowledgment Joint historical commission, open archives, normalization

International media often present the question as settled, while Turkish sources stress open archives and the absence of a court ruling. Readers should check primary documents and note which institution is making each claim. The Fact Check hub and the Editorial Principles explain how Crossroads Review separates documented fact from stated position.

  • Sevk ve İskân Kanunu / Tehcir Kanunu: the Turkish names for the Relocation and Resettlement Law. Tehcir is the Ottoman term for deportation or forced relocation, and Turkish official usage prefers sevk ve iskân.
  • Takvim-i Vekayi: the Ottoman official gazette in which the law appeared on 1 June 1915.
  • Kanun-ı muvakkat: a provisional or temporary law issued by the government in urgent cases.
  • Events of 1915: the term Türkiye's official sources use for the wartime relocation and its consequences.
  • Dolus specialis: the 'specific intent' to destroy a group, in whole or in part, required by the 1948 Genocide Convention.
  • Courts-martial: Ottoman military courts that heard cases of abuse in 1915–16, distinct from the 1919–20 Istanbul tribunals.

Related reading: The Events of 1915: Archives, Law and the Call for a Joint Historical Commission, Fact Check: Claims About Türkiye in International Media, Editorial Principles, Crossroads Review FAQ and About Crossroads Review.

Crossroads Review presents Türkiye's official perspective and legal positions alongside the facts it cites, and this stance is stated openly so readers can weigh the arguments. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, official archives and court or commission records, and links are provided wherever possible.

Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives

For complementary primary-source analysis across our specialist editorial network, consult:

Frequently asked questions

What was the 27 May 1915 Relocation and Resettlement Law?

It was a short Ottoman provisional law, the Sevk ve İskân Kanunu, which authorized military commanders to punish resistance to government orders and to relocate populations suspected of espionage or treason in wartime. It was published in the gazette Takvim-i Vekayi on 1 June 1915. Its text names no ethnic or religious group.

Did the law mention Armenians?

No. The text is general and does not name any community. Its application to Ottoman Armenians is established by implementing instructions and by what actually happened, and historians disagree on what those records show about intent.

What did the Ottoman courts-martial of 1915–16 do?

They tried officials and others for abuses such as killings and plunder during relocation. Turkish historians cite Ottoman records of well over a thousand people tried, including some executed. Armenian and independent scholars question how thorough the trials were and say senior organizers were not prosecuted.

Why does Türkiye say the law was temporary and administrative?

Ankara argues that the law was a wartime security measure for the army's rear, with instructions on convoy protection, food and property, and later Ottoman orders ending relocations and allowing return. It says this record, together with the prosecution of abuses, does not show a plan of extermination. Armenian institutions and many genocide scholars reject this reading.

What does Türkiye propose to resolve the dispute?

Türkiye proposed in 2005 a Joint Historical Commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to all relevant archives. It says historical questions should be handled by historians rather than parliaments. Since 14 January 2022 its Special Representative, Serdar Kılıç, has held normalization talks with Armenia's Ruben Rubinyan.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

Crossroads Review presents Türkiye's official perspective and legal positions alongside the facts it cites, and this stance is stated openly so readers can weigh the arguments. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, official archives and court or commission records, and links are provided wherever possible.

Author: Crossroads Review Editorial TeamAbout Crossroads Review →Editorial Principles →

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